There is a lot of talk right now about “escalation,” and “WWIII,” and how Zelenskyy supposedly wants to drag the rest of the world into an armed conflict. Meanwhile, a common Russian narrative to justify their full-scale invasion of Ukraine is that “Ukraine refused to implement the Minsk agreements” and that Zelenskyy, who they say promised an end to the war in order to get elected, never had any intention of following through. Efforts are now being made to portray him as some sort of power-hungry warlord.
In a February 2023 interview, Zelenskyy revealed that he saw the Minsk agreements "as a way of satisfying Russia's appetite at Ukraine's expense" and that they contained no "desire to allow Ukraine to retain its independence." He admitted that the process "was already heading towards the abyss" when he became president, but at least they were "an official platform for talks" which they were able to use for prisoner exchanges. Zelenskyy knew, however, and had told Emmanuel Macron and Angela Merkel, that Minsk as a whole could not be implemented. Russian propagandists use this admission as “proof” that Zelenskyy was supposedly never truly interested in ending the war and that his image as the “peace candidate” was always a farce.
What were the Minsk agreements?
The “Minsk Protocol” and “The package of measures for the implementation of the Minsk agreements” (also known as Minsk-2) were political agreements signed by representatives of Ukraine, Germany, France, and Russia in September 2014 and February 2015, respectively. The agreements were an attempt to end the fighting following Russia’s annexation of Crimea and occupation of parts of Ukraine’s Donbas region. The first agreement – signed after Ukraine’s defeat at Ilovaisk – called for a ceasefire, an exchange of prisoners, and withdrawal of military formations, as well as a special status and elections for Donbas. Poroshenko’s government passed the relevant legislature, but the fighting continued. Minsk-2 was signed after Ukraine’s defeat at Debaltseve and contained more specifics about political concessions to the Russian-backed terrorists in Donbas.
Experts agree that “implementation of Minsk-2 would in effect destroy Ukraine as a sovereign country.” It would have allowed Russia to have significant influence over Ukraine’s politics and could have further destabilized the country, and the agreements never required Russia to take responsibility for its role in the conflict. The document is also described as “inherently contradictory” and as having “a convoluted sequence of actions” which were “weighted heavily in Russia’s favor.” The fact that it could be interpreted in different ways is part of why none of the steps were ever fully implemented – Ukraine and Russia had different understandings of the order in which steps should be taken. As a result, the war dragged on for years.
Zelenskyy’s views on the Minsk agreements
Even before he was a presidential candidate, Zelenskyy made it clear that he was not a fan of the Minsk agreements as they were written. In December 2018, he gave an interview and stated that "the Minsk agreements do not work" but that he was also against the war. He said that he would make a deal "so that not a single person dies." Zelenskyy's pre-election program promised to “raise the issue of supporting Ukraine in its efforts to end the war, return the temporarily occupied territories, and force the aggressor to compensate for the damage caused” with the guarantors of the Budapest Memorandum and other EU partners, adding that “surrender of national interests and territories cannot be subject to any negotiations." This was a key component of his campaign, however, the bulk of his program was more about other political and economic issues.
Though he had doubts about the Minsk process, Zelenskyy stated in March 2019 that it should be continued, but that they needed to "expand it” and transform it. He wanted to add “representatives of the US and UK” while at the same time giving attention to “a serious information war” to reach Ukrainians in the temporarily occupied territories. During his election campaign and the first months of his presidency, he confirmed his commitment to "do everything to end" the war and to "continue the Minsk process" without making concessions. "Ending the war and returning the annexed Ukrainian territories is my main task," he said in June 2019.
Attempts at implementation
Zelenskyy had his first telephone conversation with Putin on July 11, 2019. On the 21st of that month, a ceasefire was declared. This was the first step in restarting the Normandy format meetings, which had not convened in 3 years. Just like all other previous ceasefires, the shelling never stopped for long, but Zelenskyy was able to partially implement one point of the agreement – a prisoner exchange.
On October 1st, he announced that he had agreed to the "Steinmeier formula." This, he explained, pertained to holding elections in Donbas and had originally been discussed in 2015. “The fulfillment of these conditions opens the possibility of holding a summit with the participation of the leaders of the Normandy four," he said and assured that elections would only be held "in accordance with the Constitution of Ukraine, the legislation of Ukraine, and after the publication of the OSCE report that the elections were held in accordance with international democratic standards." He clarified that there would be "no surrender of the national interests." The final stipulation for holding a Normandy summit was the disengagement of forces along several areas of the contact line, which, after some delays, began at the end of October.
A meeting of the Normandy Four was held on December 9, 2019. Zelenskyy, Putin, Merkel, and Macron met in Paris. All the leaders “emphasized that the further settlement of the conflict in eastern Ukraine should be based on the Minsk agreements,” and the final communique focused on implementing the political requirements. Zelenskyy declared, however, that there were "red lines" that he would not cross, including federalization and conceding territory. Nevertheless, the Verkhovna Rada extended the law on the special order of local self-government in parts of Donbas. Another prisoner exchange – what seemed to be the only effective part of the Minsk agreements – occurred at the end of the year.
Zelenskyy and his administration often repeated their intention to follow the Minsk process but continued to add that they felt that there needed to be modifications. In October 2019, Zelenskyy had promised that "we will change something" if they could not resolve the war in Donbas within the Minsk and Normandy formats. In December, he said that, despite the fact that he didn't agree with the "sequence of these actions" in regards to elections in Donbas and Ukraine being able to control the border, he would also not agree to go to war. He was always firm about what he would not forfeit. "We must understand that it was not my team that signed Minsk. But we, as the government, must fulfill the conditions that our government agreed to during those times. I'm sure we can change some things. And we will change it, because the transfer of the Ukrainian state border after the elections is definitely not our position."
In March 2020, Zelenskyy said that he had given himself one year after the Normandy Four Summit to implement the entire Minsk agreement. "If it lasts longer, we need to change the format and choose another strategy." Even before the December 2020 deadline, the Ukrainian government looked for new approaches to completing the work. They attempted to create a council, causing some controversy in the process, with which to discuss the issue of elections. They also included more representatives in the Ukrainian delegation, to demonstrate "the great seriousness and great intentions that our country has for the implementation of the Minsk agreements," as Andriy Yermak put it. "Today we are showing the whole world, primarily Russia, that Ukraine is doing everything possible to end the war and fulfill everything that was written in Minsk." Several experts also pointed to this message being aimed particularly at Western partners in the hope that they would not weaken sanctions on Russia.
Progress was slow, but Zelenskyy vowed that Ukraine would not be the one to provoke war. "We are fighting for our country. And if they shoot at us, we will respond, but we will not be the first to shoot. And the other side – indeed, if they stopped shooting, which they should do according to our Minsk agreements, according to our agreements in Normandy, according to the fact that they do not provoke, everything would be over." At the same time, he believed that Ukraine should have "a modern and powerful army" to be a "guarantor of continued peace and a guarantee of Ukraine’s security."
A different path
In the fall of 2020, with the Minsk agreements still largely deadlocked, the rhetoric regarding Ukraine's pathway to NATO membership increased. Zelenskyy had advocated for closer ties to NATO since the beginning of his presidency, and Ukraine had been recognized as an Enhanced Opportunities Partner in June, but talk now progressed from simply bringing the Ukrainian armed forces in line with NATO standards to taking steps "that will allow us to receive an invitation and join the NATO Membership Action Plan.” By December of that year, Zelenskyy announced that Ukrainian officials should be involved in "all NATO partnership structures" in order to move closer to receiving a Membership Action Plan (MAP).
He also continued to speak about his preference for the United States and other global partners to assist in ending the war in Donbas and rebuilding the region. “I am convinced that the UN should play an important role in restoring the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine, as well as the authority of international law,” he had said in September. His dedication to peaceful negotiations remained consistent, including his unwavering stance on not compromising Ukraine's best interests for the sake of peace. "To change the Constitution in the direction that we sometimes hear from the Russian Federation in the media - here they know my position, I told Putin directly that I do not agree with this."
In 2021, Zelenskyy began to push back more directly on Russian influences in Ukrainian media and society. At the beginning of February, he introduced sanctions on Taras Kozak, which resulted in the closing of several television channels controlled by Viktor Medvedchuk. Shortly after these actions, in March 2021, the Russian Federation began a noticeable build-up of troops near the Ukrainian border. Some Western countries feared an escalation, though it was theorized that Russia’s purpose was to "send signals to the new U.S. administration" to not assist Ukraine in joining NATO or supporting their defense efforts in Donbas.
Zelenskyy continued to call for a MAP, telling NATO Secretary Jens Stoltenberg that "NATO is the only way to end the war in Donbas," but he also offered to meet with Putin for face-to-face talks. He appeared willing to go in whichever direction was most effective. "There are two options: we can change the Minsk format, adjust it. Or we can use some other format. Speed matters. The speed of this process is important because we are losing people every day." In June 2021, he requested that Ukraine should have a MAP "as soon as possible" because "we are in danger right now, our independence is in the balance right now, and we need help right now." At a press conference in Vilnius, he blamed the Russian side for blocking the peace process and said that he “advocated the joining of countries, powerful geopolitical players who can influence Russia,” adding that “I would really like the power of the United States to help Ukraine end this tragedy in the center of Europe in the 21st century.”
By October, there were reports of another Russian troop buildup near the Ukrainian border. Zelenskyy signaled his readiness for direct negotiations with Putin, in part "for his supporters inside the country, and on the other - for Western partners." In February of 2022, he gave an address, telling everyone yet again: "We seek peace, and we want to resolve all issues exclusively through negotiations. Both Donbas and Crimea will return to Ukraine. Only by diplomatic means.”
Less than a week later, he spoke at the Munich Security Conference, starting with a criticism of the world security architecture and pointing out the necessity to “build a new system.” He outlined the history of Ukraine’s efforts to establish peace and Russia’s efforts to obstruct them. “We are consistently implementing the Minsk and Normandy agreements. They are based on the unequivocal recognition of Ukraine's territorial integrity and independence. We seek a diplomatic settlement of the Russian-Ukrainian armed conflict. I will note: exclusively on the basis of international law. I will never even think about a forceful way to return the temporarily occupied territories.” Once again, he proposed alternatives. “We are ready to search for the key to ending the war in all possible formats and platforms. [...] It doesn't matter if four countries, seven, or a hundred participate, the main thing is that Ukraine and Russia are among them.”
The end of the Minsk agreements
On February 21st, Putin officially recognized the independence of the occupied Donbas regions. In response to this, Zelenskyy issued a joint statement with the president of Estonia, who was visiting at the time. “The parties state that Russia's recognition of the so-called ‘Donetsk and Luhansk people's republics’ confirms its deliberate unilateral withdrawal from the Minsk agreements and is a clear violation of international law, the territorial integrity of Ukraine, and the most serious blow to the political and diplomatic settlement that Ukraine and its partners are actively working to promote.” Zelenskyy repeated that he was ready to work in any format or platform to end the war and had started by appealing to the UN Security Council.
After Russia launched a full-scale invasion on February 24, 2022, Zelenskyy publicly asked Putin to "sit down at the negotiating table." There were ongoing talks between Ukraine and Russia in March and April. As would be revealed later, Russia demanded that Ukraine commit to neutrality, reduction of its military capabilities, and concession of territories. Zelenskyy refused to ever accept "the compromises that could threaten the disintegration of the country, which Putin demands in the form of an ultimatum." Negotiations were suspended after Russia demanded that it should be able to veto Ukraine's security agreements. Towards the end of May, Zelenskyy advocated for "a circle of partner countries around Ukraine without Russia. Security guarantors without Russia," similar to statements he had made in previous years. That fall, Zelenskyy presented 5 points of a peace formula to the UN General Assembly. "This is a formula that punishes crime, protects life, restores security and territorial integrity, guarantees security, and provides determination," he explained.
The peace process took another turn after Putin illegally annexed four regions of Ukraine and said that he would negotiate, but not about the return of Ukrainian territory. Zelenskyy had warned that "another attempt to annex Ukrainian territory will mean that there is nothing to talk about with this Russian president." He believed that, even if they conceded land, Russia would only try to occupy more territory at some point in the future. On September 30th, Zelenskyy signed a decree which stated "the impossibility of conducting negotiations" with Putin. "We are ready for a dialogue with Russia," he said, "but already with another president of the Russian Federation." That same day, Ukraine submitted an application for accelerated membership to NATO. Later, in a speech to the European Political Community, Zelenskyy reminded participants that there had been "almost a hundred rounds of negotiations of various levels, at which peace was offered to Russia" and talked again about his peace formula.
Trying to unite the world
In November 2022, there were rumors that the US was privately pressuring Zelenskyy and his administration to show more openness to negotiate with Russia, even as they supposedly acknowledged that Russia wasn't serious about peace. Zelenskyy continued to stand by his peace formula, now expanded to ten points. At the end of 2022, he proposed a Global Peace Formula Summit “to determine how and when [to] implement the points of the Ukrainian Peace Formula.” He challenged Russia to withdraw their troops in order to prove their desire for “a diplomatic settlement, which is being mentioned by Moscow so regularly.”
Ukraine's progress on the battlefield encountered some disappointing setbacks during the spring and summer of 2023, but Zelenskyy maintained that there should be no compromise with Putin and that the war could only end when Russia had left Ukrainian territory. He pointed out that their unfavorable position would be “a bad moment” to negotiate “because Putin sees the same thing.” Work to establish a Global Peace Summit was ongoing throughout the year, involving a series of meetings with ambassadors and advisers. Despite more rumors in November 2023 that Western partners were discussing possible terms for negotiations, Zelenskyy denied that anyone was openly pushing him, and said that he was "not ready to speak with the terrorists because their word is nothing." Later that month, he admitted that people were weary but still opposed to “making friends” or entering into diplomatic talks with Russia.
Zelenskyy spoke about the upcoming Global Peace Summit many times, including during his February 2024 speech at the Munich Security Conference. “Ukraine has offered the world a Peace Formula, based on the principles and norms of the UN Charter. We have managed to unite representatives of all parts of the world to work on the Peace Formula and to develop details regarding the organization of the first Global Peace Summit.” The summit was held June 15-16, 2024 in Switzerland. Over 100 countries and international organizations gathered to discuss 3 of the 10 points of the Peace Formula – in particular, nuclear security, food security, and the return of Ukrainian prisoners and children. It was structured this way to have broad appeal to all the participants in areas where work had already been started. The purpose was not, as some assumed, to begin any negotiations with Russia, but “to develop a common peace framework” as the basis of a future process.
Ultimately, the Global Peace Summit was Zelenskyy’s alternative to the ill-fated Minsk agreements, with elements that he had been suggesting since the beginning of his presidency. "There were almost 200 Minsk meetings where not a single issue was resolved. Russia blocked everything. Why? Because it was not profitable to end the war,” he said during a press conference after the event. “Therefore, the right process was chosen - a peace summit, and then the development of a detailed plan, and then this plan will be handed over to Russia. And then we will see if they are ready for the end of the war.” He described the result as “unprecedented unity” for Ukraine and acknowledged that the work was far from over. As of the end of September, 95 countries and organizations have signed the Peace Summit’s joint communique, and another summit is planned for sometime later, during which Russia could potentially be presented with “a full plan for the implementation” of the Peace Formula.
The verdict
Was Zelenskyy the peace candidate? Yes, absolutely. Did he refuse to implement the Minsk agreements? No. He tried for years to continue the process in every way that he could. He only refused to betray his citizens and sacrifice the stability of his country. He and his administration have sought multiple ways to bring an end to the war while preserving Ukraine’s sovereignty, and that ultimate goal has never changed. Peace – without sacrificing independence – has always been one of Zelenskyy’s highest priorities.